
Republican Senators blocked a Democratic bill yesterday that would have kept interest rates on federal college loans from doubling come July. Yet one more blow to students who have seen tuition rates skyrocket at public universities nationwide as states struggle to close Great Recession induced budget gaps.
Here in Washington the defunding of public universities has been particularly awful, resulting in four years of double-digit tuition increases. At the University of Washington the Class of 2013 paid tuition and fees totaling $6,802 for their 2008-2009 freshman academic year; their senior year will cost them $12,385, an 82 percent increase over four years. That's an average annual tuition hike of 16.2 percent a year (or 20.5 percent "every single year" in McKenna Math™) over a four-year period when Washington's median household income has actually fallen.
But more than just a cyclical blip this shift in the burden of paying for higher education from society as a whole to the individual students has been both dramatic and generational. In 1990 the state picked up over 70 percent of the cost of a college degree; it now subsidizes less than 30 percent. And the longer one looks back in time the starker and more profound the unraveling of this particular social contract appears.
For example, when Republican attorney general and gubernatorial wannabe Rob McKenna enrolled at the University of Washington back in 1980, tuition and fees amounted to only $687 for the academic year ($1,912 in inflation-adjusted 2012 dollars). Today's students pay 18 times more than McKenna did, or 6.5 times more when adjusting for inflation. Yet over that same period, median household income has increased by less than 13 percent in inflation adjusted dollars.
To illustrate this more sharply, McKenna's $687 tuition amounted to only 3.6 percent of the $19,009 median household income for the western United States in 1980. But today's $12,385 tuition gobbles up a whopping 23 percent of the estimated $54,000 median household income.
But the scholarship won't be presented to him at his graduation ceremony—despite assurances from the school itself that it would allow the organization that grants the scholarship to present it to the student who won it—because the award, like the student who won it, is way too gay for Bishop Martin Amos.
At yesterday's bill signing ceremony in which the contentiously negotiated supplemental budget became law, Governor Chris Gregoire boldly came out in favor of raising taxes to fund education:
“We cannot meet our constitutional mandate on K through 12 and the McCleary case, our moral mandate for early learning and our economic mandate for higher education if we are not going to look at new revenue...”
Okay, I guess that's not so bold coming from a governor retiring from elective office the end of this year. But she did have some bold advice for her successor:
"To the candidates that are running, we can say 'no new revenue,'" she said. "The reality is we cannot live up to our responsibilities without new revenue. That is my opinion. It is sound. I am not playing games. It's the truth."
Yes it is. And another truth is that there's no way to raise the billions of additional dollars a year needed to fully fund education under the terms of the McCleary decision without taxing income and/or financial assets. Which brings me back to an immodest proposal I've written about a number of times before: The Education Income Tax.
Originally posted yesterday, but moved up, because one can dream...
My colleagues and I at last week's interviews with the Seattle Public Schools superintendent finalists had our theories about why the district split us into three 15-minute slots, not the least of which being that the district was afraid a media free-for-all might scare some finalists off.
Well, if that was the strategy, it didn't work. Over the weekend two of the three finalists—Sandra Husk and Steven Enoch—have withdrawn their names from consideration. That leaves only Jose Banda in the running.
Banda was my favorite of the three for reasons that had more to do with personality than with experience or ideology. I just think that he's the one who offers the most promise at building consensus and stability, two things the district desperately needs.
But it's a little disturbing that Seattle is finding it so difficult to attract candidates for its top posts.
UPDATE: On KUOW this afternoon, School Board president Michael DeBell revealed that Banda was kinda-sorta unofficially offered the job last night, whereas Husk didn't drop out until this morning. So perhaps her withdrawal was more face-saving than anything else. Not that there's anything wrong with that.

I'm not sure if Sandra Husk is the best of the three superintendent finalists being trotted before the public this week but the consensus of the small group of journalists conducting the interviews is that the school board probably thinks so. Saving the best for last, and all that.
Maybe.
Husk, who heads the 40,000-student-strong Salem-Keizer School District in Washington's Mexico, certainly has the qualifications to run a district the size of Seattle, and she probably provided the most specific and detailed answers of the three. Or maybe the third time around we were just well practiced at asking the right questions? Hard to say.
Like José Banda and Steven Enoch before her, Husk also passed The Stranger litmus test, giving non-shill answers to questions on the corporate reform agenda of charter schools, Teach for America (TFA), and standardized testing.
When asked if charters fit well in Seattle, Husk immediately responded "Evidently it doesn't," pointing to the three charter schools ballot measures that have been shot down by voters. "Whether you're a charter or non-charter," says Husk, you can do the things necessary to achieve success. "Obviously it's kind of a nonissue here in Washington," she says of charter schools, "and not one I would spend a lot of time being concerned about."
She's done her homework.
On TFA Husk adopted Banda's tact, claiming she's not done a lot of research on it as it's "not been a major conversation point" in the three districts she's led. Then she flaunted her vocabulary, citing "a strong pedagogy" as one of the attributes of a successful teacher (that's a Greek word meaning the art and science of teaching). A strong pedagogy is not something it's easy to argue one can easily get from TFA's five-week training course. I'm just sayin'.
As for using value-added data from standardized student performance tests as a reliable measure of teacher performance, Husk says that it "can be useful as a single data point" in part of a broader evaluation process, but not on its own. Again, right answer. And again, not suggestive of a corporate reform shill.
Where Banda was calm and reassuring, and Enoch was talkative and energetic, Husk seemed to split the middle of the personality spectrum, displaying a measured and deliberate approach. There was nothing particularly exciting about our conversation, but she was also perhaps a bit more substantive than the others. In fact, she was almost politician-like in her answers, a skill that might serve her well in the politically charged atmosphere the district often finds itself—or that might just exacerbate the already polarized environment.
If I had to bet I'd say Husk is the favorite, not so much for her qualifications—they're all qualified—but for her business-like demeanor, which can't help but appeal to business-like school board members like Michael DeBell and Sherry Carr. Not that there's anything wrong with that. I'm just not sure that this is the sort of personality the district needs at the helm at this particular time.

I don't really have much to add to the missing money scandal at Van Asselt Elementary School, but I was already at the district administration building and they were about to hold a press conference, so I figured what the hell. The Seattle Times has the details, so go read that.
In a nutshell, following a tip to a whistleblower hotline, investigators could not account for $30,000 that had been withdrawn from a school bank account. There's no actual evidence that the money was misappropriated, but there's no evidence that it wasn't. "The record keeping was that poor," explained Seattle Ethics and Elections executive director Wayne Barnett.
In fact, they don't even know where most of the money came from. It appears to have come from school fundraisers, and maybe families paying for field trips and the like, but they can't be sure. They don't think it involved any taxpayer money, but they also can't rule it out at the moment. The seventy-some thousand dollars that reportedly flowed through account strikes me as way too much money to come from fundraisers in a Southeast Seattle School without a functional PTSA. But really... who knows?
Seattle school board member Sherry Carr, the chair of the Finance and Audit committee, describes the scandal as an "outrageous breach of trust," but she also emphasized that the district's recently revised oversight policies are working. A tip came in, it was looked into by the district, and then handed over to Seattle Ethics and Elections for further investigation. Now the police are investigating to see if there was any criminal conduct.
Not a huge scandal as these things go, but also not exactly what the district wants to be talking about at the same time it is parading its three superintendent finalists before the press.

Personality wise, you couldn't ask for a bigger contrast between the first two superintendent candidates the Seattle Public Schools have cautiously introduced to reporters. Where as José Banda was calm, soft-spoken, and deliberate, Steven Enoch was a frenetic bundle of nervous energy, his hands constantly moving to the rhythm of his long, detailed, enthusiastic, long answers to the paltry few questions we could jam into our allotted 15-minute interview. If he were a politician, one might suspect him of filibustering. But I got the impression that Enoch just likes to talk.
And he's got a lot to say. Of all the candidates Enoch has the most experience, having helmed a number of districts of various sizes, including the Mead School District near Spokane and the tiny San Juan Island School District, both here in Washington State, as well as the 48,000-student San Juan Unified School District outside Sacramento, California. Currently Enoch runs the San Ramon Valley Unified School District near San Francisco.
At 63, Enoch is also the oldest candidate, a fact that can't comfort those looking for a superintendent to impose stability over a long tenure. Neither does his penchant for moving on after a few years; if appointed, Seattle would be Enoch's fifth district in a little more than a decade.
But Enoch certainly seems to have the chops to run a big city school district, as well as a feel for the culture here in Seattle. Like Banda, Enoch passed my litmus test questions with flying colors. On charter schools Enoch says "I don't think it's needed in Seattle," pleasing me if not my counterparts across the table from the Seattle Times. On Teach For America, Enoch says that he loves "the mission," but would be "cautious" about embracing it, especially at a time when there are so many trained and qualified teachers out of work. As for the current craze toward using "value-added" student performance on standardized tests to evaluate teacher performance, Enoch says that "the jury is still out."
Again, like Banda, not the sort of answers that suggest he's bought into the corporate reform movement. Good. Whether he's ultimately the right fit for Seattle's current needs, I'm not yet sure. But it's good to see that the district has managed to recruit at least two apparently qualified candidates.
There were some unhappy journalists at the John Stanford Center this morning as Seattle Public Schools carefully doled out interview time with José Banda, the first of three superintendent candidates to be cautiously shepherded past the press.
Rather than holding a single press conference to introduce each of the candidates, the district has chosen to divvy their time up into three 15-minute availabilities each, with different reporters assigned to different slots. That means each reporter only gets 15 minutes with each candidate, shared with the other reporters in his or her group, an arrangement that has some reporters understandably peeved.
Hell, I can take more than 15 minutes just to ask a question, so it's not a format that exactly welcomes an in depth give and take.
That said, Banda was more satisfying than the interview format in which he was shoved. He diplomatically hedged a bit on a series of litmus test questions, but certainly did not come off as a member of the corporate reform camp. It's "not something that I would consider a high priority" Banda said of charter schools, while praising the many unique and innovative programs already under way in the Seattle schools. As for Teach For America—the controversial program that brings uncertified teachers into the classroom—Banda said he had no experience with it in California, where they've been laying off teachers, not hiring them, but that he'd have to "really research it" before going down that path in Seattle.
Banda also gave a fairly nuanced take on the standard testing craze, saying that "standards are great ... but the testing is a whole different thing." And in answer to the question of whether student performance on standardized tests was a good measure of teacher performance, Banda unhesitatingly answered "No." And then elaborated. That's exactly the way I like questions answered.
It's hard to get a feel for Banda's academic philosophy in such a short amount of time, but I came away impressed with his calm yet forceful demeanor. Banda has a reputation as a consensus builder, an approach he emphasized in his answers, and a skill we could certainly use after a contentious decade of musical superintendent chairs. It'll be interesting to see how the other two candidates compare.
I hate to fisk the Seattle Times editorial board two posts in row... but Jesus Fucking Christ, do they even bother to read one paragraph before writing the next?
Mercer Island has had school-bond failures; voters rejected measures in the 1970s and again in the early 1990s. Several smaller school-construction measures in the mid-1990s were offered and approved instead.
This should serve as a warning to other districts, for example Seattle Public Schools, which plans to ask voters for $1 billion in ten months for operating and construction costs: nothing will come easy.
Mercer Island is an example of the end of the days when voters were inclined to approve every levy or construction bond. Districts must more closely chart critical upgrades on a schedule calibrated to economically precarious times.
So what they're saying is that this bond failure signals "the end of the days" when voters would approve "every levy or construction bond," an assertion they make just a few sentences after pointing out that Mercer Island rejected school bonds in the 1970s, and the 1990s, and again in 2012—you know, about every twenty years or so—clear evidence that voters have never approved every levy or construction bond. So... then... this bond failure isn't all that special after all, is it?
Um-duh, duh-um, duh-uh... way to undermine your own thesis, guys!
According to a report in this morning's Seattle Times, the school district is including a $32 million "placeholder" in the next capital levy for constructing a new 500-seat elementary school in the South Lake Union neighborhood, what would be the first downtown public school in decades. That's reportedly enough money to build the school, but not enough to acquire the land.
It's a proposal that's sparking an interesting debate. On the one hand:
"It's a priority for us to look at as we try to make downtown family- and kid-friendly," said Randy Hurlow, a spokesman for the Downtown Seattle Association. ... The downtown corridor is targeted for about half of Seattle's growth in the next few years, said Gary Johnson, a city planner who for years has pushed for a downtown school.
On the other hand:
Some parents are critical, believing the push for a downtown school is motivated by pressure from business and distracts from more pressing district issues, including deteriorating buildings and overcrowding. ... Melissa Westbrook, a local education blogger, said at a public meeting last week she thinks downtown-school efforts have been driven by businessmen such as Jeff Bezos, CEO of Amazon, and Paul Allen, co-founder of Microsoft and chairman of Vulcan.
My own take is that of course we need a downtown elementary school, especially during this era of overcrowding. Seattle has a remarkably family-unfriendly downtown, and as much as the Lesser Seattle advocates might resist the urge to fulfill the Denny Party's aspirations in originally naming their settlement "New York Alki," if we want to achieve the kind of urban densities that make a downtown work, we need to serve families with children.
But, yeah, the South Lake Union developers will profit handsomely from a spanking new elementary school in the neighborhood, so I say let the developers pay for it. The land is a given: private individuals and corporations donating land for use by public schools is an American tradition. But Bezos and Allen and the other developers who will surely profit from having a new school in the vicinity should also cough up much if not all of the cost of construction.
After all, local governments are constantly providing tax breaks and other incentives to attract new businesses, so it only seems fair that businesses in turn provide some incentives to attract valuable public services.
The YBF:
Chicago's Urban Prep Academy (an all-male charter school) just pulled a THREE-PEAT announcing that ALL of their graduating seniors have been accepted into four-year colleges! Get the deets on this fabulous feat inside.....It also helps that the boys are required to wear uniforms. This business of letting young people express themselves with clothes at school (capitalism exploiting youthful instability and incoherence) is a big mistake. Childhood must begin in one indistinguishable mass, a massive common, a communism (free parental and state care) that is gradually individuated. The individual is the end, not the start of an education. Also, boys look handsome in uniforms.Some folks have no faith in the educational system, but Urban Prep Academy on Chicago's south side must be doing something right.
Once again, 100% of its 2012 graduating seniors are heading off to college in the fall. And by the way, this school is the only all-Black, all-male public prep school in Chicago!

"The difference between myself and my opponent, is that I am not making promises of millions and billions of dollars that would just come in from thin air," Democratic gubernatorial hopeful Jay Inslee explained today after introducing an education plan that is at times less a plan, and more a list of objectives and priorities. But among his more concrete proposals, Inslee announced plans to phase in funding for full-day kindergarten, to provide early learning to all ECEAP-eligible 3- and 4-year-olds, and to expand the "Innovative Schools" program like that in place at Renton's Talbot Hill Elementary School where he spoke.
How to fund these and other education investments? First, Inslee points to his economic plan, explaining that growing the economy and reducing unemployment is the key to improving revenue. But he also intends to look for new education dollars by closing unproductive tax loopholes, finding new efficiencies via "Lean Management," and by "bending the rate of medical inflation."
Inslee's liberal use of the keywords "innovation" and "accountability" made for a speech that even a conservative Republican might love, as would the absence of any big new spending plans. "We cannot simply wait for a magic pot of money to arrive from Olympia," Inslee emphasized in explaining his decision to set immediate priorities "in light of the economic reality we have today."
But Republicans would be left unhappy by Inslee's refusal to support union-busting charter schools, a scheme he noted that has twice been rejected voters. Instead, Inslee says he wants to focus on investing in reforms "proven to make the biggest difference." Like early learning:
"Early learning is the single most meaningful cost effective investment we can make in our children," Inslee emphasized before quoting a Department of Early Learning statistic that shows that every dollar invested in high-quality early learning returns up to $17 in benefits from lower costs for special education, repeating grades, child welfare, public health, and incarceration. The expansion of ECEAP alone (the state's companion to federally funded Head Start) will save our schools hundreds of millions of dollars a year.
To be honest, I would have preferred a bolder education plan—one that included a commitment to universal preschool, while specifying the new revenue to pay for it. But at least Inslee has shown he has his priorities straight, and with seven months to go in a dead-heat race, there's still plenty of time to insert a little more boldness.
[Updated post to correct opening quote from "billions and billions" to "millions and billions"]
A new report out of the University of Washington's Center on Reinventing Public Education suggests that $40 million in federal School Improvement Grants (SIG) to 18 Washington schools is not having the kind of transformational impact intended:
"Despite the hard work on the part of many district administrators, principals and especially teachers, the overwhelming majority of the schools studied so far exhibit little evidence of the type of bold and transformative changes" envisioned by the program, the report concluded.
[...] In receiving the grant money, schools agreed to make changes under one of four models: permanently closing; restarting under the control of an outside organization; reopening with a new principal and mostly new staff or replacing the principal and implementing broad curriculum changes.
The final and least disruptive, called "transformation," was the choice of a majority of school districts across the country and at 14 of the state's 18 schools; three others chose the third option and the other school used the money to close its doors.
So, a few thoughts on this news.
1) Notice that researchers are disappointed that more schools didn't choose the options that would have resulted in firing all the teachers, because apparently, blaming teachers is what passes for "bold" educational reform these days.
2) The study only looked at how the schools spent the money, not whether it produced positive results. So for all the disappointment, there's little data yet to determine if the changes managed to improve student performance.
3) There are actually no credible peer-reviewed studies that conclude that such radical transformations tend to improve student performance on average. But, you know, it's cheaper to make a one-time expenditure and then claim "See... we did something big!" than it is to provide the ongoing financial support necessary to make a real difference.
4) In contrast, there is one reform that everybody knows works: high quality early education like universal preschool and full-day kindergarten. But God forbid we should embrace a reform that costs money, when it's so much cheaper to just blame everything on teachers and their unions.
As has been mentioned repeatedly in the comment threads of my last two posts on the subject (here and here), Teach for America just signed a new strategic partnership deal with Imagine Schools, the nation's largest for-profit charter schools company. Because, you know, TFA is all about the kids:
The for-profit charter operator has been investigated in some states for the way it exercises control over the schools it manages, essentially ignoring the boards of trustees that are supposed to really run the schools.
It has also come under scrutiny for its complicated real estate deals that generate millions of public dollars for Imagine. The St. Louis Post-Dispatch, for example, detailed the deals involving six Imagine schools operating with public money in St. Louis. Essentially Imagine opened schools and then sold the buildings in which the schools operated to a company that then leased them back to Imagine at often extremely high rates, which are, of course, paid for out of public money.
Beyond the rent, the paper also reported that Imagine’s charter schools must pay 12 percent of their budget for management costs. Still, it said, some Imagine schools were missing pencils, paper, books and other basic supplies.
As for student outcomes, the standardized test scores in that city’s Imagine schools are below the state and city average, the paper said.
I guess these are the kind of innovative "solutions to the problems of urban education" the Seattle Times is talking about when it obediently editorializes in favor of promoting both charter schools and TFA here in Seattle, and the kind of strategic partnership TFA is "truly excited about." Not that TFA can be blamed for Imagine's scandals, but you can't blame critics for judging TFA by the company it keeps.
One further thought on yesterday's post about Teach for America.
I would be less cynical about TFA if, rather than replacing certified teachers with lower paid alternatives, TFA instead supplemented them... perhaps providing tutors and enrichment programs in schools that lacked them, or even better, teacher aides. A motivated teacher aide in every classroom would instantly halve the student-teacher ratio, with all the attendant benefits that would bring. I don't know a single elementary school teacher who wouldn't go for that.
But that's not what TFA is all about. TFA is about proving that untrained newbies can teach at least as well if not better than their trained and certified counterparts. And for less money to boot. And in that sense TFA is less about improving education than it is about making it cheaper. Just like charter schools.
These are education reforms without reform, that focus almost entirely on the business of education without suggesting any particular approach toward improving the art and craft of teaching. Where once we invested in our children's education, now we outsource it. Makes me wonder how long it is before we start deriding our public school systems as just another burdensome, expensive, and unsustainable entitlement?
Sorry to repeat the joke in the headline, but could the Seattle Times editorial board be any less informed about the subjects on which they choose to opine? For example, this data-less blowjob of Teach for America:
A district often accused of not making data-driven decisions is smart to wait until the end of the contract and measure TFA's effectiveness. Until then, rely on parents' and principals' up-close observations.
It is too early to glean information about TFA's impact from standardized test scores or other data. But TFA teachers appear to be doing the right things...
That's right, a school board accused of not making data-driven decisions should instead rely on anecdotes and appearances, instead of, you know, peer-reviewed research. Why? Because as the corporate reformers feeding the editorial boards their talking points surely know, there's not a single peer-reviewed study that finds that TFA has a positive impact on students. In fact, most of the studies find that TFA and other under-certified teachers do worse than veteran or traditionally certified teachers:
"In reading, mathematics, and language, the students of certified teachers outperformed students of under-certified teachers, including the students of the TFA teachers, by about 2 months on a grade equivalent scale. Students of under-certified teachers make about 20% less academic growth per year than do students of teachers with regular certification."
— The effectiveness of Teach for America and other under-certified teachers on student academic achievement: A case of harmful public policy. Education Policy Analysis Archives, 10 (37).
Editor's note: Anna Minard, the latest addition to The Stranger's editorial gaggle, has never heard any music aside from Richard Marx and Big Bad Voodoo Daddy. Thus, every Wednesday, we present Never Heard of 'Em, in which we force her to listen to and write her impressions about random records by artists considered to be important by music nerds.
Royal Trux
[Untitled]
(Drag City)
(Sorry this is late this week, I've been hit with the death cold that's going around.)

In this week's issue of the The Stranger, I attempt to draw a human face on just one of the programs Senate Republicans are seeking to kill in their unnecessarily austere coup budget. Privately, Republicans like to disparage Disability Lifeline as a giveaway to drug addicts and drunks, but to former high tech worker William Cruz, who suffered permanent brain damage due to a black mold infestation, the program proved a life saver.
But that's not the only program the Republicans cut. Also gone is $3.2 million for Readiness to Learn, a program that intensely serves thousands of at-risk students, and with often dramatic results. On the night of the budget coup, after it was clear Republicans had the 25 votes to do what they pleased, Senator Sharon Nelson proposed an amendment to the Republican budget that would restore funding to Readiness to Learn at the expense of state funding for prizes awarded at county fairs. Republicans demonstrated their budget priorities by coming to the floor to vigorously oppose Nelson's amendment, ironically accusing her of breaking a prior agreement, and even seeking to admonish Sen. Derek Kilmer for violating decorum. Watch:
Of course, the amendment went down to defeat, because in Republican eyes, funding prizes at county fairs clearly takes precedence over educating our children.
You know that scatter plot I posted yesterday that appeared to show almost no correlation between the "value-added" performance ratings of teachers teaching the same subject to different grade levels in the same year? Well, rather than being completely random, one would have expected it to look somewhat like the graph above, with the data points clustered near a diagonal line rising from bottom-left to top-right.
Yesterday's graph illustrated the utter failure of the value-added model to measure teacher performance in NYC public schools. Today's graph illustrates the middling performance of NYC charter schools while refuting the claim that charters disproportionately serve high-needs low-performing students.
The blue markers represent NYC's traditional public schools, while the red and yellow markers represent charter schools, with the chart plotting the average change in English Language Arts (ELA) scores (0 being the 50th percentile) from the end-of-year 4th grade tests (x-axis) to the end of 5th grade, the first year of middle school. Read Gary Rubinstein's TeachForUs.org blog post for a more thorough explanation.
A few details stand out. First of all, notice that most of the charter middle schools are below the improvement trend line, suggesting that charters are not adding as much value as the average traditional public school (a second chart shows charters doing about average with math). Second, notice that the 4th grade scores of incoming charter school fifth grade students are all clustered near or above zero, indicating that charters are attracting average or better students, not the high-needs students charter backers claim they want to serve.
The big K-12 education "reform" legislation passed this session was SB 5895, establishing a uniform system of evaluating teacher performance... because who doesn't want to separate the good teachers from the bad, right? I mean with uniform teacher evaluations, principals can work with the underperforming teachers to help them improve—or more likely, fire them, or harass them into quitting. But either way, it's hard to argue against at least knowing how our teachers are doing. Knowledge is power!
Except, how exactly does one objectively measure a teacher's performance when it's the students who are actually taking the tests?
One metric is based on the "value-added model" (VAM), which, according to the Gates Foundation (which absolutely loves VAM) attempts to statistically measure the impact of a teacher on student achievement by adjusting for each student's starting point coming into the class, and then comparing the student's improvement to similar students elsewhere. If a teacher's students outperform their peers, that constitutes positive student growth or "value-added."
Given the Gates Foundation's advocacy, it's not surprising that SB 5895 appears to adopt this approach, mandating that "student growth data must be a substantial factor in evaluating the summative performance of certificated classroom teachers..."
So how reliable are the VAM formulas already in use elsewhere? According to a huge dump of teacher evaluation data recently released by the New York public schools, not so much. Over at TeachForUs.org, a blog serving Teach for America alumni, Gary Rubinstein has been analyzing NYC's value-added data, and finding it surprisingly useless. For example, take the following scatter plot he generated of 665 teachers who taught the same subject at two different grade levels during the same year (2010). The x-axis represents the teacher's VAM score for one class, and the y-axis represents the same teacher's VAM score for the other:
If the NYC value-added formula accurately measured teacher performance, you would expect there to be some correlation between a teacher's ability to teach, say, 7th grade math and that same teacher's ability to teach 8th grade math. That would show up on this graph as a cluster of data points on a diagonal line rising from bottom-left to top-right. Instead, the VAM scores are almost completely random.
Representative Deb Eddy thinks I'm unhelpful. Yesterday, when I suggested that Senate Dems might want to express their ire at Senator Jim Kastama's betrayal by withdrawing their endorsements of him in his run for Secretary of State, Eddy took issue with my call for party discipline, responding on Facebook that "with commentary like this, I wouldn't be looking for Sen. Kastama to vote for any Democratic budget."
Uh-huh. As if the real obstacle to progress in Olympia is bloggers like me. If only political commentary was still the exclusive reserve of writers handpicked by wealthy daily newspaper publishers, our budgets would be in perpetual balance.
But undaunted by criticism (as always), I have another suggestion for Senate Democratic leaders seeking to restore order to their caucus: It is time to yank the chairmanship of the Higher Education Committee away from Kastama co-conspirator Senator Ro_ney Tom (_-Medina).
While not himself issuing a call to action, I think Bill Lyne of the United Faculty of Washington State lays out as compelling an argument as any for relieving Tom of his committee chairmanship:
Senator Tom was particularly quiet Friday night. His support for the Zarelli budget is particularly disheartening for those of us in higher education. We’ve always hoped that Senator Tom, as chair of the Senate Higher Education Committee, would somehow see his way clear to genuinely supporting our state’s outstanding universities and colleges. In the budget that Senate Democrats presented last week (the budget that people actually got to read and testify about), Senators Ed Murray, Lisa Brown and Derek Kilmer showed a lot of leadership and courage in finally proposing no more cuts to education. As Senator Tom sat down with his Republican pals to write the coup budget, we would have hoped that he would have insisted, as the chair of Higher Education, that another $38 million not be cut from an already decimated system. As the 25th and deciding vote, you’d think he could’ve gotten at least that in the deal.
The Democratic budget defended higher education from further cuts. The Republican budget, for which Tom was the 25th vote, slashed another $30-plus million. Tom didn't just betray his fellow Democrats. He betrayed the colleges and universities his committee oversees, and the tens of thousands of students who attend them.
If the Democratic leadership wants to hold off on disciplining their wayward caucus members in the hope of luring them back into the fold, fine. But I can't think of a more fitting punishment for Tom than to pull his chairmanship of a committee he failed to serve faithfully.
The smart bet in this country for decades has been to find new and creative ways to siphon taxpayer money into your pockets. That's what education privatization is about. That's what social security privatization is about.
Now that the legislature has apparently rejected it, charter schools backers are talking about putting an initiative on the ballot, and if they do, there's no doubt that there will be a ton of money behind it. Because there's a ton of money to be made off of taxpayer-funded/privately-operated charter schools.
K-12 is after all the largest chunk of the state general fund budget, and by far. What self-respecting capitalist wouldn't want a piece of that?
Bill Lyne, a professor of English at Western Washington University, and the president of the United Faculty of Washington State (the union representing faculty at Washington's four regional universities), jumps into the charter school debate with "An Open Letter to Nick Hanauer."
Writing in response to the normally progressive kajillionaire's inflammatory comments accusing teachers unions of "literally strangling our public schools to death," Lyne pulls a Cienna with a devastating that's-kinda-like-this:
[Y]ou say that it’s not the hard-working, dedicated teachers who are ruining education but rather their nasty, child-hating union. I grew up as an upper middle class white boy in the American South, where all of the white grownups had their favorite Black people—the cook, the person who looked after the kids, the guy who took care of the cattle for a share of the corn crop. But God forbid that one of those favorites be seen gathering on a street corner with Black people from out of town, or at an NAACP meeting, or having coffee with a union representative. At the first hint of any organized activity, our grownups would turn on their favorite Black people faster than a summer squall could dump an inch of rain on the pasture. Suddenly the individuals who had been so tender, wise, and trustworthy were scary, too stupid to know better, and not to be let into the house. Everybody loved the solitary black person, nobody liked it when they started to bunch up and talk crazy.
That’s kind of the way it is with teachers. Everybody loves a teacher, nobody likes the big, bad teachers’ union. As long as they’re staying after school to give the extra help to the kids who need it or reaching into their own pockets to pay for the supplies that the state doesn’t anymore, teachers are saints. But when they collectively advocate for decent wages, adequate health care, and working conditions that don’t erode by the minute they’re a threat to the moral fabric of the state.
(Representative Glenn Anderson (R-Fall City) should learn a lesson from Professor Lyne on how to make a powerful allusion to racism without stupidly accusing one's opponents of being racist.)
In its entirety, Lyne's open letter amounts to a pretty thorough undressing of Hanauer and other pro-charter "business elite school reformers" who claim they do not presume to tell teachers how to teach, while doing exactly that. It's quite an education. Read the whole thing.
Cheers to the Seattle Times editorial board for giving the city's innovative "Be here, Get There" school attendance campaign the praise it deserves. But jeers for failing to give Mayor Mike McGinn an ounce of credit.
As I wrote in covering the press conference that introduced it, this is a program that originated in the mayor's office. And yet the editors make absolutely no mention of the mayor's involvement in a program that in six short months has already reduced absenteeism in Seattle Public Schools by 50 percent.
McGinn has a reputation for being ineffective. Maybe he is. But if he isn't, you'd never know it from his one-sided coverage in the Seattle Times.
Enrollment at for-profit colleges and universities has boomed over the past few decades, skyrocketing from 18,333 in 1970 to 1.85 million in 2009. Over the past decade alone, the percentage of college students attending for-profit schools has almost tripled, from 5 percent in 2001, to 13 percent today.
So, how are these for-profit schools doing, most of which are significantly more expensive than their public university counterparts? According to a new study, not so well:
Students who attend for-profit colleges are less likely to be employed and have lower earnings six years after enrolling than similar students who attend public and not-for-profit colleges, according to a new study by authors affiliated with the Center for Analysis of Postsecondary Education and Employment (CAPSEE). They also carry heavier debt burdens and are more likely to default on their student loans.
And yes, the survey was controlled to account for demographic differences such as age, income, and ethnicity. For-profit students simply have poorer outcomes and report less satisfaction with their educations, than public and not-for-profit students of similar circumstances and backgrounds.
How could this be? If the market always makes the most efficient allocation of resources, and the private sector always outperforms the public, how is it possible that for-profit universities don't out perform their public university counterparts? If you're a free marketeer, clearly the problem must be the dangerous market-distorting impacting of taxpayer-subsidized public universities. Simply eliminate government funding for our public college and university systems (as we are wisely on our the way to doing here in Washington state), the uber-capitalists might argue, and the market will fix itself.
A couple of questions from this year's Mathayom 6 (upper secondary school) tests in Thailand:
"If you have a sexual urge, what should you do?" The available alternatives are: a) Ask friends if you can play football together; b) Consult family members; c) Try to sleep; d) Go out with a friend of the opposite sex; or e) Invite a close friend to watch a movie together.
"Locals have found a bizarre item. It is round and soft. If it is not fed water, it shrinks and becomes a hard object. This hard object, when given water, will return to its soft, bigger condition. What is it?" The alternatives were: a) The egg of the Naga; b) The egg of a giant salamander; c) Quartz; d) Flour balls in milk tea; or e) Hydrogel.
"None of the above" was not an option...
As I posted yesterday, Seattle Public Schools is raising the fee for full day kindergarten by 15 percent, to $2,720 for the 2012-2013 academic year. That buys your child an additional three hours of school time a day over the 180-day school year... almost exactly what full time tuition and fees at Seattle Central Community college cost just three years ago.
So much for our state's commitment to early learning.