But Northern Europe is the best place for such a person. This fact, however, should not be ignored: Belgium is in the top 8; DR Congo is in the bottom 8. Reflect on that for a moment.
As for the US? It's 25, between Belarus and the Czech Republic.
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If you are born and raised in a acountry where you stand up every day and pledge allegiance to the American flag and say, "We are the chosen people, we are the best of everything; we are the saviors of the world; we have the standard of living that is worth having," you set up a certain standard of yourself which you can never live up to. And when it is proven to be impossible, then there develops a kind of gratuitous violence, because of an intellectual impotency. I tried to parallel that with this character [in the movie Petulia] who was told by his wife, "You are the most beautiful thing I've ever seen, you are the most perfect man, you are everything." He could never live up to what was expected of him, and became sexually impotent, resorting to violence and beating his wife. Through him I attempted to show the threshold of violence that occurs in America--the argument in the supermarket over a can of sardines, the sudden explosion of unnecessary violence because nobody can live up to their image.--Richard Lester, 1968
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I've never written anti-gay rhetoric. Unless asking that adults accept the consequences of their choices is anti gay.The consequences you insist they accept are not natural consequences, but socially manufactured consequences--a distinction I've made for you (you're welcome!) many times, and to which you've yet to formulate a cogent rebuttal.
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There are natural physical consequences and obstacles to homosexuality. More in men than in women, given how the aberrant nature of homosexuality is expressed differently by gays and lesbians, but existent nonetheless.Not really. Any of the acts you could use to bolster this assertion are neither endemic nor exclusive to homosexuality.
All human beings live in an artificial societal condition.Indeed. And our artificial societal condition guarantees free exercise of religion--which necessarily includes free exercise of irreligion (which I've pointed out before, to no cogent rebuttal; again [and again, and again], it's worth pointing out that this is invariably the point at which you leave the argument--a fact that you admit, though only in the least adult fashion, every time you fail to respond). Free exercise of [ir]religion, by definition, is a recipe for pluralism and, most importantly, moral and ethical self-determination. We can only be held to moral principles if those principles also serve an empirically demonstrable civic utility (or prevent an empirically demonstrable civic harm--that is, a harm that extends beyond the voluntary participants).
And the path of sanity is to accept the prevalent conditions of our particular culture and agitate for the small changes we feel would improve the thing.So long as the prevalent conditions are arbitrary and subjective, beholden to metaphysical reasoning and unaccountable to empirical demonstrations of harm or utility, I submit that they are explicitly unacceptable according to our own founding documents
But to tear the whole thing down because you find it inconvenient is the act of a toddler, not an adult.What exactly do you think anyone here (let alone I) would like to see "torn down"? My goal is only to share the joy and beauty of marriage as my wife and I experience with those whose relations are functionally indistinguishable but for the sex and/or gender composition of the participants.
Blaming society at large for the stubborn unwillingness in a self selecting minority to adapt themselves to it is a bit silly, frankly.If society at large fails so fully and so consistently to articulate the basis for its positions, it is in fact the duty of men of my capacity to question its tenets. I'm not interested in "blame". I'd settle for an explanation from someone within shouting distance of being an equal.
You seem to posit a society where all the rules and subtleties of social interaction arise from some practical purpose rigorously lab tested to be effective at this or that objective. Sorry to burst your bubble, but whatever world that may occur in, it ain't this one.In point of fact, I believe that the common ancestor of both law and morality was utility; the important distinction between law and morality is that law (in my view . . . and, it would appear, the views of our founders, in some measure, and certainly of Enlightenment philosophers at large, however steeped in, and therefore beholden to, anthropomorphic monotheism in general and Christianity in particular) ideally remains beholden to utility, while morality, in most high functioning organisms, transcends mere utility to steer one towards a life of genuine quality and/or service. I have literally dozens of moral views I've no interest in seeing legislated, precisely because the reasoning behind them is subjective and/or metaphysical, and I believe that the First Amendment necessitates that I pursue my moral interests through my own channels (Buddhism and theater, in my case), rather than through law, which guarantees everyone--even you--the right to make his or her own mistakes and find his or her own life of quality and/or service.
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Absolutely we have the freedom to practice a faith or leave it alone free of government coercion. And without question the right to engage our faith or politics or pens or tongues in free expression is inseparable from our liberty. Is a Christian being elected to high office such coercion though?Not at all where did I suggest it would be? I reached voting age in 1990; since then, all four presidential candidates for whom I have voted (Clinton, twice; Gore; Kerry; Obama) have identified as Christian. I'd say that's because I haven't been offered any alternatives, but then, I don't necessarily think I would vote for a Nichiren Buddhist candidate just because he/she happened to share my religious convictions, since he or she may not share my views on all relevant matters . . . and in any case, I'm no more interested in having you beholden to my views than in being beholden to yours.
Are laws that enact Christian (or Buddhist or atheist come to that) values ipso facto coercion? They can be, if they're sufficiently direct.How do we determine whether they are "sufficiently direct"? The surest test, to my mind, is to determine whether such laws serve a purpose other than the satisfaction of an empirically demonstrable utility or the prevention of an empirically demonstrable harm. That is, all law should have a rational--and consequential--basis. Without such a guarantee, we have no true free exercise, since we are still beholden to the myths and metaphysics of the majority.
That is, we can't enact the text of the 10 commmandments or the Quran in law, but we can outlaw murder or theft.Of course; murder and theft are demonstrably and materially harmful to individuals other than the the consensual participants, even to individuals other than the direct victim (there's also the matter of "foundational civic values" and "foundational rights" with regards to live and property, but I'm sticking with the simpler matters, for now).
We can't and shouldn't outlaw homosexual behavior among consenting adults because one faith or another finds homosexuality sinful. But we can establish incentives to behave in ways consistent with those values without crossing any lines.To paraphrase you, I respectfully disagree in part. We can establish some incentives, but only if we're clear what we're establishing incentives for. What's the difference, for instance, between an elderly or infertile heterosexual couple and a same-sex couple, in terms of what they accomplish for society at large in compromising and cohabitating? Is the distinction between those two classes solely moral in basis, or can you make a consequential argument that makes the contribution to society on the part of each category materially apparent?
That's democracy, not a violation of the idea of separation of church and state.I'm less interested in the separation of church and state than in the freedom of [ir]religion. If moral and ethical decisions can be punished and rewarded, without regard to material consequence, based on nothing but the will of the majority, where is the freedom of religion? I submit that under such a system, we have none.
And certainly, a person can be doing their duty by fighting apparent social injustice. Thoreau wrote about this kind of patriotism. But he also said that it was the citizens duty not only to point out perceived wrong, but to accept the judgement of his fellows in the end. I know, it's in the later parts of Civil Disobedience that hardly anyone reads, but it's part of his ideas nonetheless.That's one philosophy for opposing perceived injustice. Then there is that of our own founders, which was to rise up and slaughter our oppressors over tax policy. So fervent a cheerleader for our nation as you impugns his own forebears lecturing the rest of us for failing to live up to Thoreau's notions, given that those founders failed to do so even more pointedly.
Fighting for the right of a gay man or lesbian to pursue their happiness in a consensual sexual relationship with another man or woman is a fight I'd join, believe it or not.And yet you support the government essentially subsidizing a heterosexual couple doing the same (or at least saving the cost of various legal fees and allowing some circumnavigation standard ordinance, like, say, the 5th Amendment protections that keep you and I from having to testify against our wives, or preferential consideration in immigration matters if either of our spouses happened to be foreign nationals), while denying those same protections to those gays and lesbians you generously "allow" to pursue their own happiness.
Fighting for the right of 3% of the population to set social and legal terms for everyone else is one I simply can't in good conscience.Socially speaking, you and I aren't even referring to the same institution when we refer to our respective marriages. Legally, the essential meaning is rather skeletal, and probably allows for arrangements neither of us is likely to support. But none of these arrangements affects the integrity of marriage as we each individually understand it one iota, and until and unless you can demonstrate, factually, how it does, I will continue to hold your views on the matter not only suspect, but in deep contempt.
It still seems to me you're trying to create laboratory conditions for things that simply won't work in the lab.Civilization is a laboratory, in which we are both the studier and the studied.
In the end nearly everything about culture is subjective.Indeed. But culture happens at multiple levels, in layers; it becomes more subjective the deeper you get. At the macro level--and I think we can agree that government is that--it should strive to be as objective as possible while still preserving a basic modicum of civic peace.
You can parse it back to ensuring social order or utility or other concepts, but even those notions are subjective. Why is utility desirable? Because some folks think it to be. Why liberty, come to that.Because even those folks who don't think utility to be desirable will be protected by small "u" utilitarian principles, if only because it defends the right to moral self-determination from those whose morals might inhibit same. Being one who does not believe in [G/g]od(s), I don't believe that "values," as such, exist in nature; quantities become values only when valued by a mind. But many of those values, among social animals like ourselves, are certainly foundationally important. For instance, if value only exist when an organism can value a quantity, how is value formation possible without first valuing life? And so on. Liberty comes shortly thereafter.
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So we've chosen one set of subjective values to build this country on, and mostly they seem to have worked.And what I'm suggesting is that just as some other conditions of our nation were found to actually be at odds with those values (slavery, for instance), the offering of marital privilege as a legally enforced, state-sanctioned contract to heterosexual couples and not same-sex couples is a direct violation of those principles for the reasons I have outlined.
We have things to work on to make it better, sure. But before we throw out the bathwater it might be worthwhile to remove the baby.What "baby" do you believe we who support same-sex marriage are discarding? Please be specific.
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