But still, every party has the red-faced, humorless, easily-offended type. Yesterday, at The Atlantic web site, Megan McArdle provided a stellar example. Her comments begin strangely, with the admission that she's "in the middle" of the book. Note the urgency to condemn it publicly, even before reading the damned thing! And boy, does she lash out:• "It reads like horsefeathers . . . like an undergraduate thesis,"
• "breathless rather than scientific"
• "cherry-picked evidence stretched far out of shape to support their theory,"
• "they don't even attempt to paper over the enormous holes in their theory."Ouch! And that's just the first paragraph. But wait, it gets worse. The second paragraph is worth quoting in full, as it's really a perfect expression of the bug-eyed panic the book provokes in some people:
"For example, like a lot of evolutionary biology critiques, this one leans heavily on bonobos (at least so far). Here's the thing: humans aren't like bonobos. And do you know how I know that we are not like bonobos? Because we're not like bonobos. There's no way observed human societies grew out of a species organized along the lines of a bonobo tribe." (emphasis in original)
Got that? Humans aren't like bonobos because we're not like bonobos. No way! So there! Case closed.
In addition to this somewhat embarassing "reasoning," it's pretty clear Ms. McArdle hasn't read even the first half of the book very closely. Pages 77 and 78 contain a table listing some of the major similarities between humans and bonobos, many of them unique to these two species. Hard to imagine how she managed to miss that. In the discussion of her article, she flatly states that chimps are genetically more closely related to humans than bonobos are, which is not only just plain wrong, it's something we explain very early in the book (along with a graph, no less, on p. 62). Agree with our thesis or disagree with it, nobody who knows anything about primatology would argue that chimps are genetically closer to us than bonobos are (they're equidistant) or that humans and bonobos don't have a great deal in common—particularly in terms of our sexual behavior and anatomy. (The table appears below.)
Later in her comments, she writes, "If you're going to use evolutionary psychology, you need to deal with human jealousy, which is indeed pervasive. You can't leave it out just because it doesn't fit your model."
Chapter 10 of the book is called: Jealousy, A Beginner's Guide to Coveting Thy Neighbor's Spouse. How does one miss an entire chapter in a book you're writing about publicly?
I'm not familiar with Ms. McArdle's work, but if she's got a gig at The Atlantic, which is one of the most respected magazines in the country, presumably this is far below her usual intellectual standard.
Wonderful as it would be if Ms. McArdle's opinion of our book were to change when/if she gets around to actually reading it, I'm not holding my breath because I don't think she's responding to the substance of the book at all; she's responding to what it makes her feel, which is something entirely different.
The rest of Sex At Dawn co-author Christopher Ryan's response—including the table comparing humans to bonobos—is here.
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I don't know how you took this as a critique of polyamory; I am myself in a monogamous relationship, but if it works for you, I'm glad. This is a critique of a specific way of supporting polyamory as a "natural" behavior based on not-very-convincing analyses of bonobos.
I said that knowing something is "natural" doesn't tell you anything about it [...] That doesn't mean that we shouldn't adjust to polyamory (I think we should, actually). It merely tells you that arguments about the relative naturalness or not don't actually add much to that debate.
If all you want to say is that human institutions need to acknowledge the human instinct to stray, then this book doesn't add much; the notion that humans like to have sex with more than one person is well explored in both the standard ev psych model, and vast swathes of other writing on human society, fiction and non.
The chapter is terrible; it consists of saying "If parents can pretend to love siblings equally, why doesn't that work for sexual partners?" In fact, parents don't usually manage to conceal their favoritism, and there is enormous competition between siblings as a result. This is not a serious treatment. Nor does the chapter refute the notion of sexual jealousy as a universal; it simply posits that some societies have managed very stringent social mores to control it. Indeed, the fact that they emphasize these social mores implies that jealousy is a universal, hard-to-deal-with force.
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Anyway, arguments like McArdle's that go "people are jealous, so non-monogamy can't be real" make me laugh.
Lifetime monogamy may not be the evolved human template. But I'm pretty sure that carefree polyamory isn't either.
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