The divide is created by this question:

Was the McGinn phenomenon simply a one-off anomaly in Seattle politics, or was it the first sign of a defining shift in the makeup of the Seattle electorate?

Last night Bill Broadhead, McGinn's top political consultant, answered the question this way:

There’s so many people that wish this was a one-time thing… that there was somebody behind the curtain that cast a magic spell for a few minutes and they can just go back to believing what they believed before and nothing really changed.

But I’ve got to to tell you, from someone in my position, the math has changed in Seattle. The fundamental political math has changed. And part of that is a demographic shift, part of that is a values switch, it’s a self-selecting thing of progressive voters moving to Seattle—you know, it's as we're getting younger, as there's new urbanism coming up, Web 2.0. You can talk a lot about why you can't put Humpty Dumpty back together again, but there's a fundamental shift in politics in Seattle. I think this model is open to whoever wants to follow it.

Jason Bennett, one of Mallahan's top political consultants, had a very different answer:

The thing that wasn’t really talked about was the impact of Dow Constantine and everybody pushing the “Oh, shit” button on him and pushing a great liberal, left, Seattle group out [to vote]. Referendum 71 [which Bennett also worked on] and [Initiative] 1033—we had to win those, and there was a great effort to mobilize that effort and that impacted the mayor’s race… When liberals are activated and they push the “oh shit” button, they rally together, and I think McGinn sort of benefited from that and I do think that’s replicable. I hope that’s replicable. … When liberals and progressives unite, they can make a big impact on a campaign. I hope that that’s the lesson learned.

When we know more about who is more correct—Broadhead with his "Seattle political math has changed" theory, or Bennett with his "Oh, shit" button theory—we will be able to say a lot about the likely direction of this city's politics over the next decade.

Monday, November 30
7:00 p.m. to 9:00 p.m.
Northgate Community Center gymnasium
10510 5th Ave Northeast

Tuesday, December 1
7:00 p.m. to 9:00 p.m.
Langston Hughes Performing Arts Center
104 17th Ave South (17th Ave. & E. Yesler Way)

Wednesday, December 2
7:00 p.m. to 9:00 p.m.
Paul Robeson Performing Arts Center at Rainier Beach High School
8815 Seward Park Ave S. (Located at the S. end of the Building near the gym off S. Henderson St.)

Two town halls are confirmed:

Monday, November 30
7:00 p.m. to 9:00 p.m.
Northgate Community Center gymnasium
10510 5th Ave Northeast

Tuesday, December 1
7:00 p.m. to 9:00 p.m.
Langston Hughes Performing Arts Center
104 17th Ave South (17th Ave. & E. Yesler Way)

A third town hall in South Seattle is tentatively schedule for December 2; more details when they're available.

After talking to McGinn about his ideas for light rail and the upcoming legislative session, I asked him what it's like to be the mayor-elect, going from a campaign fueled by phone bankers to the the mayor elect on 60th floor of the Seattle Municipal Tower. "The first day we showed up ... it felt a little lonely," McGinn says. "The office was always packed with people and had a lot of energy end excitement, and then it was just me and a few transition staff heading up to a rather sterile office space."

"Campaigns are always more intense because of the deadlines," McGinn says. In the last few weeks, McGinn has built a team of 70 ambassadors that he's tasked with reaching out to communities and neighborhoods. "It’s nice to be in situation to talk about how do we tackle the big issues? How do we organize ourselves to get the resources of government pointing in the right direction?" After months of campaigning, McGinn says, he is "enjoying being back in problem-solving mode that isn't about getting the most votes, but actually trying to create change."

The lawsuit seeks unspecified damages, and was explained this way in a press release by Dzioba's widow, Mary:

Our trip to Seattle should have been a cherished memory of our 25th wedding anniversary, but it turned into a nightmare. We were on a trip celebrating our life together. And instead, I ended up mourning his death. This should have never happened to us, and I want to ensure that it will never happen to another family.

I know, I know: earthquake, crumble, mass death. Plus giant vats of political poison from the Viaduct wars.

But Kadeena Lenz of WA DOT just gave me a ray of hope: "I'm not sure anyone's seriously thought about that as an option—with this project, nothing seems improbable."

She's got a meeting today with a project manager. She promised to bring it up.

It begins:

When you've fought every day for 10 years to turn a map you and a friend drew at a kitchen table into a $2 billion transit agency, and volunteered and done strategy for two winning underdog city council campaigns, and then run for city council yourself and nearly made it—to say nothing of half a dozen city and county ballot initiatives you've run, the first of which was called the region's biggest political upheaval of the decade on the cover of the Sunday New York Times—and in the end you lost most of your battles against WaMu or Paul Allen or the state or the Seahawks or the Mariners and had the gain sucked out of those battles you won, you know a couple things, or more precisely one thing: You know that the fix is usually in.

And you get pretty good at calling races...

Skipping ahead a few paragraphs:

It was painful to watch McGinn campaigning, because his agenda was exactly the one I fronted when I ran for city council in 2001 (plus consultants and savvy calculation). I hung back at the McGinn event [I helped organize], moved chairs, dimmed the lights when asked, ate sitting down, drank heavily. The candidate and I found ourselves going for the red beans and rice at the same time—we had never met before—and he recognized me, grinned broadly, and shook my hand. He said, "You've been through all this" or "You kind of laid the template for this" or "You helped us get here"—I would like to remember what exactly, but I could barely concentrate on what he was saying. I kept thinking about energy and idealism and hope and young hearts being thrown against this immovable thing. Wasted time. I could barely speak. He was nice. He was going to lose.

But there were things going on that I did not see.

The essay also touches on Seattle in the 1990s, the death of the monorail, Seattle's faux-environmentalism, how power is structured in this city, Richard Conlin's "deck-chair-rearranging legislation," grassroots democracy, Facebook, the unlikely new insiders at City Hall, and more. The whole thing is HERE.

This happened a few days ago: I'm sitting in All City Coffee in Pioneer Square. The sun is streaming through the windows, trains are exiting and entering the tunnel, a very black African walks into the cafe—Africans cannot miss other Africans in this outpost of the western world. Even now, after all of this time between the present and Petra, I want to see what kind of shoes the African is wearing—they turn out to be pretty handsome. Is this a sign of progress? African men are finally realizing that gaudy shoes with Italian names are not the keys to success? Or is this one an anomaly? The African ordered a cup of something complex.

The Quality Inn near the Seattle Center...
This has to be one of the ugliest hotels in the city, which is appropriate because the reason why I'm here is for a public meeting concerning the unpleasant (and unfinished) business of Hanford's radioactive mess. State officials are talking to citizens. The citizens are getting hot; the state officials are maintaining their cool. I notice the carpet.

Southbound on the viaduct...
Someone's beautiful ship has arrived on a beautiful day.

Silver lining I'll happily hype: Bailey/Coy's last hurrah will be a blowout party/auction/show, going down in the store's former space on Thursday December 3.

For 26 years, Bailey/Coy Books served as Capitol Hill's literary hub, providing the community with a place to be amongst books, talk about literature and meet their favorite authors.

On Thursday, December 3, we're holding a wake for the store, in memory of all those years, and celebrating the customers who've walked through the doors, the authors we've hosted, the generations of books we've sold and the staff who have served us so well. We'll also hold an auction of the memorabilia we've collected over the years. We want to say good-bye in style - and raise some cash to help the store.

Auctioneer Laura Michalek will oversee bidding on a pair of white boxer shorts signed by David Sedaris, original cartoons out of our guestbook by Matt Groening and Lynda Barry, a poster signed by Annie Leibovitz, an original painting from the Big Fucking Hands series by Ellen Forney, signed first editions and other very special and very odd items. We'll also auction off dates with two of Capitol Hill's celebrity politicians, State Senator Ed Murray and City Councilmember Sally Clark.

Entertainment will be provided by Fuschia Foxxx and the magnificent Dina Martina. Food and champagne will be served, all provided by local Capitol Hill eateries such as Poppy, Table 219, Charlie's and High Five Pie. Tickets are $40. We will pop the champagne open at 6 PM—the entertainment, and the auction, will begin promptly at 7. Tickets are available at BrownPaperTickets.com or at the door.

The state's jobless rate edged up to a seasonally adjusted 9.3 percent in October, the Employment Security Department reported Tuesday. That's the same rate first reported for September, though after further analysis the September rate was revised down to 9.1 percent.

In the Seattle metro area, however, the unemployment rate jumped more than half a percentage point to 9.3 percent, bringing it in sync with the rest of the state for the first time since the downturn started.

Mayor-elect Mike McGinn lays out his vision, names his transition crew, and asks for your input on what to do next.

• Ashley Robinson

In this week's paper, I write about Seattle's Chaco Canyon Cafe, the 90% organic/100% vegetarian utopia, the aims of which are laid out plainly on the menu:

"We respect our planet, our community, our people and ourselves. We create simple, beautiful, and excellent quality food from fresh, organic local and seasonal ingredients in a warm and welcoming environment. We positively encourage our community by setting an environmentally sound example in every aspect of our café."

And then there's the Chaco Canyon Cafe's name, the irony of which was brought to my attention by Stranger commenters:

It cracks me up—Chaco Canyon, Kokopelli imagery, etc with all the veggie types. Although it's a bit controversial, there is some evidence of cannibalism down there in the ol' ancient southwest. I doubt if we'll see that on the menu at the Chaco Canyon Cafe. Don't co-opt without doing your homework!
Posted by Gusto F

Actually, cannibalism is my first association with "Chaco Canyon" too. But it occurs to me that if you're eating "long pig" you're not eating what most people (or at least veggies?) consider "animals," so maybe it can still qualify as vegan fare? It's not going to be organic, but arguably you are at least helping the planet. Next up: the Soylent Green Bistro. With weekend Donner Parties. (All you can eat!)
Posted by Wandergeist

Here's what turns up with a Google search for "Chaco Canyon cannibalism." Maybe the Chaco Canyon Cafe folks chose the name as a cautionary reference?

But starting today, Holmes says he will begin meeting with the 150 lawyers and staff who prosecute in the Seattle Municipal Court and defend the city against lawsuits. On the campaign trail, Holmes said he would consider removing domestic-violence advocates from the city attorney’s office—to make their advice autonomous of prosecutors' agendas—and he bandied around the idea that a Mark Sidran-era lawyer had been there too long. "I was told all of them expected to lose their jobs if I were elected," he says. However, Holmes insists that he argued for “strengthening the independence of domestic-violence advocates, never decreasing their number.” He says, “There is only one person who will go for sure, and that is Tom."

But Holmes confirms some of Carr’s staff will be shown the door. “There will be departures, but I will not name them until I have met with them,” Holmes says. Potentially on the chopping block are the people who worked closely with the Carr in rejecting liquor licenses of upstanding businesses, cracking down on popular bars, and folks with so much as a pinky toe in Operation Sobering Thought—all Carr endeavors Holmes campaigned against. Holmes, says, “I have committed to meeting each and every one of them to learn what they do, and hear their suggestions for improvements before I make any changes.”

The meetings begin today in Holmes’s new transition office on the sixth floor of City Hall. Also on today’s agenda, Holmes will meet with Mayor-elect Mike McGinn and King County Prosecutor Dan Satterberg. They will discuss how to defend against an impending challenge to the city’s gun ban in parks and community centers, a challenge to losing federal stimulus money for work on Spokane Street, and ways the City Attorney’s office could emulate some of the structure at the King County Prosecuting Attorney’s office.

Holmes will announce his transition team after Thanksgiving and he will take office in January. While he won’t name any of the people who are getting fired before he takes office in January—“Nobody deserves that,” he says—some folks will fare better than others. Personally, I’d be cleaning out my desk if I were Tienney Milnor.

Other recent additions to the transition outreach effort include Sharon Lee, executive director of the Low Income Housing Institute, Kim Cook, president of Local 925 in Washington State, and Joshua Curtis, executive director of Great City.

Meanwhile, David Postman, currently a spokesman for Vulcan who is assisting McGinn’s transition team, said Vulcan’s community outreach coordinator Phil Fuji has also joined the effort. Fuji used to work for the city and is providing consultation about city departments and utitlies.

McGinn plans to roll out a transition website later today—at the soonest—or later this week, Postman says.

Indeed, it was probably time to finish. Council members, who make over $100,000 a year, can give back some of their salary, but they probably shouldn’t make their staffers—who make a fraction of that—find out they’re getting a pay cut by reading it in the paper. But if the council wants to bring it up, expect someone to ask the question. Right?

The meat of the press conference was about all the great stuff the council saved from the mayor’s clutches. Mayor Greg Nickels’s proposed budget would have maintained severe cuts to the library, but the council restored 12 branches of the Seattle library system to seven days a week and 60 hours a week. Nickels had proposed only six would go back to week-round service, many of the branches only staying open 35 hours a week. The council also provided $100,000 for homeless services for women, and $950,000 for three progressive anti-crime programs, Communities Uniting Rainier Beach (CURB), Get Off the Streets (GOTS), and Co-STAR, the Court Specialized Treatment and Access to Recovery Services.

"Every time we added something, we had to cut something," said Coucil Member Richard McIver. The council cut from the Office of Policy and Management—originally intended for the council and the mayor but usurped by Nickels—which will be folded in with the next mayor budget's with reduced staff. The council also cut two park rangers.

But the new budget also raises the city's revenue, Council Member Sally Clark pointed out after the press briefing. They restored funding to two parking enforcement officers that Nickels proposed cutting, added five more parking patrol officers—for a total of seven more meter maids next year—and increased the penalty for parking tickets by $4 a pop.

Meanwhile, McGinn has tapped David Postman, the former chief political reporter for the Seattle Times and current spokesman for Vulcan, to serve as an advisor to the transition team. "I am helping out a little bit trying to give some advice where I can to streamline their operation," he says.

Postman wouldn't comment on rumors floating around town about other candidates for the transition staff or jobs at City Hall. "The mayor-elect is not going to be announcing his staff that way," he says. McGinn also won't announce his staff like other campaigns have. In the past, mayoral transition staff have held a circuses in front of the media, trotting out local political leaders and a bloated committee for a photo op, and then released a blizzard of press releases. "Mike’s not going to do that. He didn't run that kind of campaign, and he is not going to run that kind of transition," says Postman.

Obviously, Team McGinn has been inundated with calls and emails in the last few days. They ask that queries and requests be routed to the following folks:

To submit your resume for consideration in the new administration, contact April Thomas.

To request a piece of McGinn's schedule, email Jen Nance. (Good luck.)

To ask a general question about the transition, get your email in front of April Thomas.

As we wrote in this week's Stranger:

Go to the website of Seattle's Mercury Group, and you'll find very little except an address and phone number. The firm is quiet about itself, and its successes, but this year the outcomes of two local races spoke volumes about Mercury's skill at making winners out of relative unknowns.

One KUOW caller wondered: Is this the same Mercury Group that represents the NRA and has a headquarters in Virginia? Another caller wondered: Is this the same Mercury Group that helped conservative oilman T-Boone Pickens with his dreams of a giant Texas wind farm?

Behind it all was a basic curiosity: Who are these guys? And why haven't we ever heard of them before?

Some answers:

Seattle's Mercury Group is run by Seattleites Bill Broadhead and Julie McCoy, who have known Mike McGinn for a long time and worked with him on several campaigns—including his successful effort to defeat a statewide road-building initiative in 2007 and his successful effort to get the Seattle parks levy passed in 2008.

No, Broadhead and McCoy are not the owners of this Mercury Group (the one that's based in Virginia and works with the NRA). Yes, they do corporate work (for AT&T, for example) and they recently did some work helping T-Boone Pickens—with a web site for his wind farm initiative, not with his conservative political pursuits.

Yes, the Seattle Mercury Group generally shies away from calling attention to itself. (Which is why there's currently a sense of mystery about what it stands for.)

But in the end, when you look at the firm's size (about a dozen people working out of a Belltown office) and its list of political clients and campaigns (Ron Sims for governor, Heidi Wills for city council, Richard McIver for city council, Joe Biden for Senate, Beau Biden for Delaware Attorney General), you find nothing more sinister than a small local public relations firm with a political consultancy wing that's invested in getting liberal politicians elected.

• Ouch.

Better idea!

I really want "Welcome to Seattle's Historic Homeless District," along with museum-style informational panels that talk about the neighborhood's long tradition of—and strong commitment to—concentrated, chronic homelessness.

Thank you, Paul Hughes.

That's 94.9 FM starting at 10 a.m.

"We did not run a traditional campaign and we don't want to have a traditional transition," says Aaron Pickus, a staff member on McGinn's team.

The plan goes like this: They have to ask three questions (see below), write a summary on what they heard, and, at the end of this month, McGinn will hold three town halls (one in the north, one in the south, and one in the central city). In other words, this is a grassroots approach to the taking control of mayor's office. But this is no slapdash ship; the group members must email their one-page executive summaries by 8:00 a.m. on the 23rd. No faxes. These are the questions the McGinn administration wants answered:

1. How do we build the strongest possible team to achieve the policy objectives and values set forth?

2. How do we build public trust in the new administration?

3. What do you view as the incoming administration and the city’s greatest challenge — what should we do first out of the gate?

"We wanted to get the greatest possible amount of information from the broadest cross section of the city so we don’t have a traditional administration," Pickus says.

Of course, McGinn is still working on the more standard elements of a metamorphosis from underdog campaign to city hall's highest office—such as breakfasts with former mayors, finding key staff, forging allies with business leaders, and talking with elected officials—but these people are his base. "We want to feed the roots and we need your input," transition team staffer Liz Birkholz wrote in an email to the group this afternoon. The group's members included Dave Schmitz, president of the local grocery workers and service union; David Hiller, Advocacy Director of the Cascade Bicycle Club; Wyking Garrett, a Central District leader who ran in the mayoral primary; Adair Dammann, executive director of SEIU 925; and members of Great City and scores of other civic leaders.